miércoles, diciembre 31, 2008

JUNTA DE PLANIFICACION IMPIDE DESARROLLO SOSTENIBLE

DE LA RESERVA NATURAL DEL CORREDOR ECOLOGICO DEL NORESTE

martes, 30 de diciembre de 2008

San Juan – Ciudadanos y organizaciones pertenecientes a la Coalición Pro Corredor Ecológico del Noreste (CEN) catalogaron como un nuevo golpe al desarrollo económico de la Isla la decisión tomada por la Junta de Planificación (JP) de no adoptar el Plan Integral de Usos de Terrenos y Manejo de la Reserva Natural del CEN. El Plan Integral propone el desarrollo de diversas actividades basadas en el turismo de naturaleza y el ecoturismo en lugares específicos de la Reserva Natural, incluyendo la construcción de ecohospederías, entre otras medidas de conservación y restauración.

“En momentos en que es necesario actuar de forma inmediata para resolver la crisis económica por la que atraviesa Puerto Rico, la Junta de Planificación obstaculiza con esta decisión el desarrollo sostenible de la Reserva Natural del CEN y los beneficios que ello traería, particularmente a los municipios de la región noreste de la Isla. Ante esta situación, exhortamos al Gobernador Electo Luis Fortuño y a la nuevos directivos de la JP a que aprueben el Plan Integral una vez ocupen el cargo, evitando así los efectos de esta decisión irresponsable y maliciosa tomada por los actuales miembros de esta agencia” señaló Carmen Guerrero Pérez, planificadora ambiental y asesora en turismo sostenible de la Coalición.

Según ha trascendido, 3 de los 5 miembros de la JP objetaron el pasado lunes la aprobación del Plan Integral, siendo decisiva la opinión de la Lcda. Wanda Capó, vicepresidenta de la agencia. De acuerdo a información extraoficial, ésta expuso como justificación que la agencia estaba imposibilitada de adoptar el Plan Integral debido a que su Declaración de Impacto Ambiental Estratégica (DIA-E), aprobada por la Junta de Calidad Ambiental el pasado mes de noviembre, se encuentra impugnada en el Tribunal Apelativo por los proponentes del Dos Mares Resort, proyecto que pretende la construcción de 3,000 residencias unifamiliares de lujo, 450 habitaciones de hotel, y dos campos de golf, en terrenos en y adyacentes a la Reserva Natural.

La Coalición, sin embargo, denunció que la conclusión a la que había llegado la Vicepresidenta de la JP es errónea, debido a que tanto la Ley de la Judicatura, el Reglamento del Tribunal de Apelaciones, la Ley de Procedimiento Administrativo Uniforme y la Ley de Política Pública Ambiental establecen que la mera presentación de un recurso de revisión no paraliza el trámite o implantación de una determinación gubernamental ni impide que funcionario público alguno cumpla con su deber ministerial. (ver anejo)

Durante el periodo de comentario público, tanto el Plan Integral y su DIA-E recibieron el endoso de agencias gubernamentales y entidades privadas tales como el Servicio Federal de Pesca y Vida Silvestre, el Servicio Forestal Federal, organizaciones conservacionistas con base en los Estados Unidos y en la Isla, entidades empresariales, asociaciones de pescadores y grupos comunitarios de la región noreste del país.

“Aunque la decisión de la JP no afecta la designación del Corredor como reserva natural, si retrasa la implantación de los diferentes proyectos dirigidos a garantizar su disfrute en beneficio de todos los residentes de la Isla. Por tal razón, pueden tener la certeza de que continuaremos en nuestros esfuerzos de lograr su aprobación durante los próximos meses” sentenció Camilla Feibelman, coordinadora del Sierra Club.

Contactos:

Luis Jorge Rivera Herrera (IDS): 460-8315

Carmen Guerrero Pérez (IDS): 378-1544

Camilla Feibelman (Sierra Club): 688-6214

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La silla caliente

La elección de Barack Obama alegró a los ambientalistas de todo el mundo. Pero el cuadro que enfrenta el presidente electo es sumamente difícil de manejar.

Por Carmelo Ruiz Marrero

La elección del senador Barack Obama a la presidencia de Estados Unidos ha llenado de regocijo a ambientalistas en Estados Unidos y en el resto del mundo. Fue mucho lo que le tuvieron que aguantar a su predecesor George W. Bush por ocho años: su negativa a cooperar con esfuerzos internacionales para contrarrestar el cambio climático, su poco apoyo a las fuentes energéticas renovables, su empeño en abrir el lecho marino y el norte de Alaska a la explotación petrolera, y mucho más.

El movimiento ambientalista espera que Obama fortalezca las protecciones ambientales y que a nivel internacional asuma un liderazgo positivo para afrontar amenazas globales como la crisis energética y el cambio climático. En cuanto a estos dos problemas el nuevo presidente enfrenta un cuadro sumamente difícil.

El cénit del petróleo
Si el petróleo realmente se está agotando, parecería que nadie en Estados Unidos se ha enterado. Con sólo 5% de la población mundial, EE.UU. es responsable de 25% del consumo mundial de energía. 40% de la energía del país viene del petróleo- 840 millones de barriles por día. Otro 23% viene del carbón y otro 23% del gas natural. Los tres son combustibles fósiles, causan calentamiento global y no son renovables.

RECUADRO: El equipo ambiental

Lisa Jackson, Agencia de Protección Ambiental (EPA)
Jackson fue anteriormente comisionada del Departamento de Protección Ambiental del estado de Nueva Jersey. La organización Empleados Públicos por la Responsabilidad Ambiental (PEER) le pidió a Obama que retire el nombramiento debido a que cuando dirigió el Departamento ella apoyó las mismas políticas ambientales que Obama condenó en su campaña.

La organización acusa a Jackson de tomar decisiones de manera politiquera, suprimir información científica, y de hacer amenazas y emitir órdenes de mordaza para silenciar a subalternos que expresaban discrepancias. También denuncia PEER que el programa estatal de manejo de desperdicios peligrosos estaba tan mal administrado bajo la incumbencia de Jackson que la EPA tuvo que intervenir y hacerse cargo.

Kenneth Salazar, secretario del Interior
Salazar, senador por el estado de Colorado, favorece que se aumente la extracción doméstica de carbón, petróleo y gas natural, por lo cual no tiene el visto bueno del movimiento ambiental.

“A menudo favorece la industria y el agronegocio en batallas en torno al calentamiento global y especies en peligro”, acusó Kieran Suckling, director ejecutivo del Centro para la Diversidad Biológica (www.biologicaldiversity.org). “Es improbable que traiga cambio significativo al Departamento del Interior, el cual está plagado de escándalos... (su nombramiento) es decepcionante”.

Daniel R. Patterson, ex funcionario del Departamento del Interior y miembro de PEER, dijo a The New York Times que Salazar tiene un récord muy débil en lo que se refiere al desarrollo energético, calentamiento global, especies en peligro y la protección de la integridad científica. “No sorprende que industrias contaminadoras como petróleo, gas, minería, agronegocio y otras que han dominado el Departamento ahora apoyan a Salazar- es su amigo”.

Steven Chu, secretario de Energía
Chu, ganador del Premio Nobel de física, actualmente dirige el laboratorio federal Lawrence Berkeley. Por un lado, los ambientalistas están complacidos con el apoyo de Chu a la energía solar y las medidas de eficiencia energética. Pero por otro lado están preocupados por su apoyo a la energía nuclear.

Chu “está atrapado en la mentalidad nuclear”, dice Jim Riccio de Greenpeace USA. “La energía nuclear no puede atender el calentamiento global. Dentro del marco de tiempo necesario sería prohibitivamente cara y desplazaría las soluciones reales”.

Por su parte, Ralph Herbert, profesor de estudios ambientales en la Universidad de Long Island, advierte que debido a su costo, la opción nuclear no es compatible con otras opciones. “Si pones dinero en tecnologías de energía verde como solar, viento y otras, no puedes a la misma vez ponerlo en la energía nuclear... Aquí tiene que haber una visión... y un compromiso pleno con la energía verde”.

Y fuera de EE.UU. el panorama no luce mejor. A nivel mundial se queman sobre 3.5 millones de barriles de petróleo por hora.

La Agencia Internacional de Energía (IEA) acaba de anunciar que el cénit del petróleo, el momento “peak oil” en que las reservas mundiales ya no darán abasto para satisfacer la demanda mundial, posiblemente se dará en 2020 o poco después. Según Robert L. Hirsch, autor de un informe sobre “peak oil” comisionado por el Departamento de Energía federal publicado en 2005, hay que emprender medidas drásticas a velocidad relámpago 20 años antes del momento del “peak oil” o enfrentaremos un colapso económico mundial con consecuencias políticas y sociales incosteables. Si Hirsch y la IEA ambos tienen razón, ya se nos pasó la fecha.

Reafirmo lo que dije en una columna de opinión anterior: el “peak oil” no me quita el sueño. ¿Por qué? Porque se queda pequeño ante los descalabros del cambio climático. Los efectos del calentamiento global -suponiendo que no hagamos nada para contrarrestarlo- serán tan extremos que el cénit del petróleo será un inconveniente menor. Y estos efectos se harán sentir antes del cénit del petróleo. Dicho de otro modo, no esperen que un agotamiento del petróleo nos salve del cambio climático.

El cambio climático
Hace un año el Panel Intergubernamental sobre Cambio Climático, institución científica que comparte con Al Gore el Premio Nobel de 2007, anunció que a fines de este siglo el Ártico se quedará casi sin hielo en los veranos. Pero un informe recién publicado por el Centro para la Investigación en el Interés Público de Inglaterra (www.pirc.info), advierte que el Ártico podría quedarse sin hielo de verano dentro de tres a siete años.

Sin embargo, los gobiernos y grandes corporaciones han seguido expandiendo sus actividades contaminantes como si nada. Según datos del Earth Policy Institute (www.earthpolicy.org), las emisiones de gases que causan calentamiento global aumentaron 20% de 2000 a 2006 y continúan aumentando.

Militares y espías ya se están preparando para el nuevo mundo alterado por el cambio climático. La marina de guerra de EE.UU. está planificando para operativos navales en un oceano Ártico sin hielo. En 2007 la compañía CNA, que realiza trabajos para el Pentágono, sacó un informe sobre la amenaza del calentamiento global a la seguridad nacional (securityandclimate.cna.org), y el pasado mes de junio, 16 agencias de espionaje del gobierno federal le presentaron al Congreso un terrorífico informe sobre las implicaciones del cambio climático para la seguridad nacional de aquí al 2030.

Las palabras de Obama en la Cumbre de los Gobernadores sobre Cambio Climático, celebrada en California en noviembre, han dado a muchos ambientalistas la esperanza de que el nuevo presidente cumplirá con los compromisos del Protocolo de Kioto, acuerdo internacional para combatir el cambio climático firmado en 1997 (pero hasta ahora boicoteado por EE.UU.). Pero según el incisivo periodista británico George Monbiot, las propuestas que presentó Obama en la Cumbre son ahora irrelevantes debido a los años de inacción de las administraciones Clinton-Gore y Bush-Cheney. Ahora nuestra única opción es un programa mundial relámpago para transformar nuestro sector energético, dice Monbiot.

Sostiene el Centro Tyndall para Investigaciones sobre Cambio Climático (www.tyndall.ac.uk) que las emisiones de gases de invernadero deben dejar de aumentar a más tardar en 2015 y después bajar 6% a 8% por año hasta 2020 ó 2040. Obama propone bajar las emisiones en un 80% para 2050. Pero el Centro Tyndall insiste en que para 2050 las emisiones deben ser cero. Monbiot calcula que para lograr esa meta habría que reducir el consumo mundial de recursos en un 10%, lo cual equivaldría a una depresión económica en una escala que el mundo moderno nunca antes ha visto.

Van a ser unos cuatro años bien pero que bien difíciles.

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martes, diciembre 30, 2008

Los que se quieren comer el mundo



Inmersos en una enorme crisis del capitalismo, madre de muchas crisis convergentes, se rescata con dinero público a las más grandes empresas privadas del planeta, mientras siguen aumentando los pobres y hambrientos y el caos climático. Según el economista Andrés Barreda, estamos en una crisis de brutal sobreacumulación capitalista: gigantesco vómito de quienes creyeron que se podían tragar el mundo, pero no pudieron digerirlo.

Largamente acuñadas, las crisis actuales tienen un contexto de concentración creciente del poder corporativo, apropiación de recursos naturales y desregulación o leyes en favor de empresas y especuladores financieros, que ha aumentado sin pausa en las últimas décadas. En 2003, el valor global de fusiones y adquisiciones fue un millón 300 mil millones de dólares (1.3 billones). En 2007 llegó a 4 mil 48 billones. En la industria alimentaria, el valor de las fusiones y compras entre empresas se duplicó de 2005 a 2007, llegando a 200 mil millones de dólares. La debacle financiera terminó con algunas de ellas, favoreciendo oligopolios aún más cerrados.

¿Qué significa esto para la gente común? El informe del Grupo ETC De quién es la naturaleza (www.etcgroup.org) ofrece un análisis en el contexto histórico de la concentración corporativa de sectores clave en las últimas tres décadas. Desde entonces, el Grupo ETC ha seguido las maniobras de mercado de las autodenominadas “industrias de la vida”, (biotecnología en agricultura, alimentación y farmacéutica). En el nuevo informe, se agregan las empresas detrás de la convergencia de biotecnología con nanotecnología y biología sintética, que promueven nuevas generaciones de agrocombustibles y más allá: intentan generar una economía pospetrolera basada en el uso de carbohidratos y vida artificial.

El sector agroalimentario sigue siendo uno de los ejemplos más devastadores, por ser un rubro esencial: nadie puede vivir sin comer. Es, además, el mayor “mercado” del mundo. Por ambas razones, las trasnacionales se lanzaron agresivamente a controlarlo. En las últimas 3-4 décadas, pasó de estar altamente descentralizado, fundamentalmente en manos de pequeños agricultores y mercados locales y nacionales, a ser uno de los sectores industriales globales con mayor concentración corporativa. Para ello fue necesario un cambio radical en las formas de producción y comercio de alimentos. Gracias a los tratados de “libre” comercio, la agricultura y los alimentos se transformaron de más en más en mercancías de exportación en un mercado global controlado por una veintena de trasnacionales.

Según un informe de la FAO sobre mercados de productos básicos, a principios de la década de 1960, los países del sur global tenían un excedente comercial agrícola cercano a 7 mil millones de dólares anuales. Para fines de los 80 el excedente había desaparecido. Hoy todos los países de sur son importadores netos de alimentos.

En la década de 1960, casi la totalidad de las semillas estaban en manos de agricultores o instituciones públicas. Hoy, 82 por ciento del mercado comercial de semillas está bajo propiedad intelectual y 10 empresas controlan 67 por ciento de ese rubro. Estas grandes semilleras (Monsanto, Syngenta, DuPont, Bayer, etcétera) son además propiedad de fabricantes de agrotóxicos, rubro en el cual las 10 mayores empresas controlan 89 por ciento del mercado global. Que a su vez están representadas entre las 10 más grandes en farmacéutica veterinaria, que controlan 63 por ciento del rubro.

Los 10 mayores procesadores de alimentos (Nestlé, PepsiCo, Kraft Foods, CocaCola, Unilever, Tyson Foods, Cargill, Mars, ADM, Danone) controlan 26 por ciento del mercado, y 100 cadenas de ventas directas al consumidor controlan 40 por ciento del mercado global. Parece “poco” en comparación, pero son volúmenes de venta inmensamente mayores. En 2002, las ventas globales de semillas y agroquímicos fueron de 29 mil millones de dólares; las de procesadores de alimentos, 259 mil millones, y las de cadenas de ventas al consumidor, 501 mil millones. En 2007, esos tres sectores aumentaron respectivamente a 49 mil millones; 339 mil millones y 720 mil millones de dólares. De las semillas al supermercado, las trasnacionales dictan o pretenden dictar qué plantar, cómo comerlo y dónde comprarlo. Frente a las crisis nos recetan más de lo mismo: más industrialización, más químicos, más transgénicos y otras tecnologías de alto riesgo, y más libre comercio. No es extraño, ya que todas están entre los que más han lucrado con el aumento de precios y hambrunas: obtuvieron ganancias que van hasta 108 por ciento más que en años anteriores. Pero pese a que pretenden controlar todo, mil 200 millones de campesinos siguen teniendo sus propias semillas, y aunque Wal Mart sea la empresa más grande del mundo, 85 por ciento de la producción global de alimentos se consume cerca de donde se siembra –la mayoría en el mercado informal.

*investigadora del Grupo ETC

http://www.jornada.unam.mx/2008/12/06/index.php?section=opinion&article=029a1eco



Novedad editorial
"El mundo según Monsanto", de Marie-Monique Robin





¿Sabemos lo que comemos? Monsanto comercializa el 90% de los alimentos transgénicos. El rostro más peligroso del progreso global.

Una crítica demoledora sobre la actividad de la multinacional norteamericana Monsanto, la empresa líder en la producción de alimentos transgénicos (OGM).

«Todos los ciudadanos del mundo deben tomar conciencia de lo que está ocurriendo con la alimentación» (Marie-Monique Robin).

Con una destacada presencia en más de 46 países y unos beneficios impresionantes, Monsanto se ha convertido en la empresa líder de los organismos genéticamente modificados (OGM), así como en una de las compañías más controvertidas de la industria mundial por la fabricación de PCB (piraleno), devastadores herbicidas (como el agente naranja durante la guerra de Vietnam) o la hormona de crecimiento bovino (prohibida en Europa).
Desde 1901, fecha de su fundación, la empresa de Missouri ha ido acumulando infinidad de procesos penales debido a la toxicidad de sus productos, aunque hoy se presenta como una empresa de «ciencias de la vida» reconvertida a las virtudes del desarrollo sostenible. Gracias a la comercialización de las semillas transgénicas (más del 90% del mercado mundial), Monsanto no sólo controla una parte importante de la alimentación mundial y la forma en que se produce, sino que pretende extender su poder sobre las formas de vida tradicionales de una parte importante del planeta.
Basándose en documentos inéditos, testimonios de afectados y víctimas, campesinos, reconocidos científicos y destacados políticos, El mundo según Monsanto reconstruye la génesis y desarrollo de este gigante industrial, la primera productora mundial de semillas, una empresa que según declaran sus responsables «sólo quiere nuestro bienestar».

  • 1er capítulo (PDF)
  • Traducción:
    Beatriz Morales
  • Autores de Capítulos

    Marie-Monique Robin es periodista, documen-talista y directora de cine. Premio Albert-Londres (1995) por sus trabajos de investigación, ha realizado reportajes para los principales canales de televisión de Francia y otros países siempre sobre temas de interés y contenido social.
    Autora de varios libros, ha rodado más de 50 reportajes en todo el mundo y ha sido premiada en varios festivales de cine documental. Consultora y experta en varios juicios abiertos en América Latina y Europa, sus polémicas y rigurosas investigaciones han suscitado el interés mundial y han sido soporte para muchos procesos penales.

http://www.edicionespeninsula.com/

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A New Policy Brief From the Oakland Institute Examines the Impact of the 2008 Food Crisis on Latin America



Oakland, CA: Rapidly increasing prices for staple foods from 2006 to 2008 culminated into a worldwide food crisis: inflation soared, food shortages were prevalent, and a lack of purchasing power among millions of the world's poor led to widespread hunger and desperation. The Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) estimates that higher prices pushed another 40 million people into hunger in 2008, bringing the overall number of undernourished people in the world to 963 million (compared to 923 million in 2007). The Food Crisis and Latin America, a new policy brief from the Oakland Institute examines the impact of the 2008 food price crisis on Latin America and the Caribbean.

Skyrocketing prices increased the number of hungry and malnourished Latin Americans; boycotts and protests became rampant which caused widespread social unrest; and governments were tried to control food prices through emergency policy measures. While several factors are cited as causes of the dramatic rise in food prices, the new policy brief, The Food Crisis and Latin America, explains the lack of access to and affordability of food in Latin America a result of trade and agricultural policies implemented over the past three decades. Beginning in the 1980s, Latin America as a region enacted the most sweeping reforms to its trade policies in the world, producing dramatic increases in agricultural trade. The policy brief examines if these gains have done anything to shield the region from inflation in world commodity prices and if they have made Latin America more food secure.

The policy brief also finds that even though world commodity prices have somewhat stabilized and recent reports indicate a downward turn in commodity prices, store shelves across the region are still void of affordable food and the crisis warrants immediate measures to address the failures in the global food system.


Read other reports and policy briefs on the global food crisis at http://www.oaklandinstitute.org/?q=node/view/489

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The Coming Capitalist Consensus

Walden Bello | December 24, 2008

Editor: John Feffer



Foreign Policy In Focus

Not surprisingly, the swift unraveling of the global economy combined with the ascent to the U.S. presidency of an African-American liberal has left millions anticipating that the world is on the threshold of a new era. Some of President-elect Barack Obama’s new appointees – in particular ex-Treasury Secretary Larry Summers to lead the National Economic Council, New York Federal Reserve Board chief Tim Geithner to head Treasury, and former Dallas Mayor Ron Kirk to serve as trade representative – have certainly elicited some skepticism. But the sense that the old neoliberal formulas are thoroughly discredited have convinced many that the new Democratic leadership in the world’s biggest economy will break with the market fundamentalist policies that have reigned since the early 1980s.


















Among the key propositions advanced by partisans of GSD are the following:

  • Globalization is essentially beneficial for the world; the neoliberals have simply botched the job of managing it and selling it to the public;
  • It is urgent to save globalization from the neoliberals because globalization is reversible and may, in fact, already be in the process of being reversed;
  • Growth and equity may come into conflict, in which case one must prioritize equity;
  • Free trade may not, in fact, be beneficial in the long run and may leave the majority poor, so it is important for trade arrangements to be subject to social and environmental conditions;
  • Unilateralism must be avoided while fundamental reform of the multilateral institutions and agreements must be undertaken – a process that might involve dumping or neutralizing some of them, like the WTO’s Trade-Related Intellectual Property Rights Agreement (TRIPs);
  • Global social integration, or reducing inequalities both within and across countries, must accompany global market integration;
  • The global debt of developing countries must be cancelled or radically reduced, so the resulting savings can be used to stimulate the local economy, thus contributing to global reflation;
  • Poverty and environmental degradation are so severe that a massive aid program or “Marshall Plan” from the North to the South must be mounted within the framework of the “Millennium Development Goals”;
  • A “Second Green Revolution” must be put into motion, especially in Africa, through the widespread adoption of genetically engineered seeds.
  • Huge investments must be devoted to push the global economy along more environmentally sustainable paths, with government taking a leading role (“Green Keynesianism” or “Green Capitalism”);
  • Military action to solve problems must be deemphasized in favor of diplomacy and “soft power,” although humanitarian military intervention in situations involving genocide must be undertaken.

The Limits of Global Social Democracy

Global Social Democracy has not received much critical attention, perhaps because many progressives are still fighting the last war, that is, against neoliberalism. A critique is urgent, and not only because GSD is neoliberalism’s most likely successor. More important, although GSD has some positive elements, it has, like the old Social Democratic Keynesian paradigm, a number of problematic features.

A critique might begin by highlighting problems with four central elements in the GSD perspective.

First, GSD shares neoliberalism’s bias for globalization, differentiating itself mainly by promising to promote globalization better than the neoliberals. This amounts to saying, however, that simply by adding the dimension of “global social integration,” an inherently socially and ecologically destructive and disruptive process can be made palatable and acceptable. GSD assumes that people really want to be part of a functionally integrated global economy where the barriers between the national and the international have disappeared. But would they not in fact prefer to be part of economies that are subject to local control and are buffered from the vagaries of the international economy? Indeed, today’s swift downward trajectory of interconnected economies underscores the validity of one of anti-globalization movement’s key criticisms of the globalization process..

Second, GSD shares neoliberalism’s preference for the market as the principal mechanism for production, distribution, and consumption, differentiating itself mainly by advocating state action to address market failures. The kind of globalization the world needs, according to Jeffrey Sachs in The End of Poverty, would entail “harnessing…the remarkable power of trade and investment while acknowledging and addressing limitations through compensatory collective action.” This is very different from saying that the citizenry and civil society must make the key economic decisions and the market, like the state bureaucracy, is only one mechanism of implementation of democratic decision-making.

Third, GSD is a technocratic project, with experts hatching and pushing reforms on society from above, instead of being a participatory project where initiatives percolate from the ground up.


READ THE REST AT: http://www.fpif.org/fpiftxt/5765

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lunes, diciembre 29, 2008

ONE GENE, ONE PROTEIN, ONE FUNCTION - NOT SO

Greg Revell

With the abrupt and uninvited introduction of genetically modified (GM) food into our supermarkets and restaurants, many of us are looking more closely into the food we eat.

Recently, Monsanto's apparent transformation from agrichemical giant to philanthropic institution was cynically trumpeted to the world's media: "We will double crops yields!" Such grandiose promises can only be offered if there is a parallel narrative that portrays genetic engineering as being able to permit the precise control of life processes and by extension, provide predictable and controllable agricultural outcomes.

The Biotechnology Industry Organization's public relations campaign explains:

Through modern methods found in biotechnology, researchers can accomplish the desired results, but in a more efficient and predictable manner (than in conventional plant breeding). In this process, a specific gene, or blueprint of a trait, is isolated and removed from one organism then relocated into the DNA of another organism to replicate that similar trait (my emphasis).


But are the techniques that give rise to GM foods as precise and controlled as the PR blurb suggests?

First of all, the scientist has to identify a gene that he or she believes will confer a trait to another organism. Using chemical shears, the foreign gene is cut and pasted into a viral "ferry". Viruses are used because of their unique ability to transfer genetic material across species boundaries, which is usually required in most GM products. To this viral vector are attached controversial "promoter" and "antibiotic-resistant marker" genes.

The entire package is duplicated many times, coated onto microscopic gold and tungsten "bullets" and literally blasted from a gene gun into the Petri dish containing the host cells. The scientist hopes upon hope that the entire package will be neatly inserted into the DNA of a host cell. Most miss their target. Some pass right through without delivering their payload leaving behind damaged DNA. Some cells end up with only portions of the package, some multiple copies. The fact that the DNA of the host organism can withstand such a violent barrage and survive relatively intact, says more of nature's resilience than the precision of the scientist.

Michael Antoniou, molecular geneticist at King's College London says of the biolistics process, "It's the imprecise way in which genes are combined and the unpredictability in how the foreign gene will behave in its new host that results in uncertainty. From a basic genetics perspective, GM possesses an unpredictable component that is far greater than the intended change."

READ THE REST AT: http://www.onlineopinion.com.au/view.asp?article=8283



http://www.huffingtonpost.com/andrew-kimbrell/obamas-choice-of-vilsack_b_153213.html?view=screen

Andrew Kimbrell: Obama's Choice of Vilsack AgriBusiness as Usual at USDA?

Subdued approval greeted President-elect Obama's choice of Tom Vilsack for Secretary of Agriculture last week. This came from mainstream environmental groups, such as Sierra Club, and even organizations that have been critical in the past of the Iowa governor's policies. Vilsack comes across in nearly all of the stories written last Tuesday and Wednesday as a solid choice, someone reliable from a farm state who understands farmers.

But, a day or two later the complexion of the Vilsack nomination had changed somewhat. First, the announcement was made in a slightly odd fashion, leaked out ahead of time, as though the Obama transition team were expecting some flak for their choice. In addition, Vilsack -- notably -- had removed himself from the running before jumping back in just prior to his selection by the president-elect.

Today, the lukewarm reception Vilsack initially received has turned into real heat as the Obama transition team finds itself in the fire over the former Governor's appointment. President-elect Obama identified Vilsack as representative of the kind of "new leadership" Washington needs. But now, even those who initially greeted the nomination with some enthusiasm are wondering if Vilsack isn't a signal of business as usual at the USDA, and beyond.

First of all -- as Politico reports -- there is the farm subsidy money that Vilsack has received over time from USDA. According to the piece, from 2000 to 2006, Vilsack and his wife collected $42,782 in subsidies from USDA. In addition, "Vilsack is a partner at a lobbying law firm (Dorsey & Whitney) that trumpeted his advice to clients on agribusiness development and renewable energy -- a job that appears to bump up against Obama's promise to bar appointees from working on issues related to their employment for two years." The former Governor recognizes the conflict of interests, and claims he will do everything he can to address the problem, and if he must, he will forgo the payments.

If only that was the sole reason to question the choice of Vilsack; $42K may not be enough of a figure to inspire concern. Vilsack's positions on biotechnology and ethanol are far more troubling.

For those of us who have serious health and environmental concerns about genetically engineered (GE) crops, cloning, and industrial agriculture in general, it would be difficult to pick someone with a worse track record. Vilsack was even named "Governor of the Year" by the Biotechnology Industry Organization for his "support of the industry's economic growth." Small wonder. Under Governor Vilsack, the state of Iowa invested millions of dollars of taxpayer funds in dubious biotechnology start-ups, such as cow cloner Trans Ova Genetics ($9 million) and pharmaceutical corn developer, ProdiGene, Inc. ($6 million). Iowa's investment in ProdiGene was particularly unfortunate. The company not only proved a financial failure, but in 2002, an Iowa cornfield that became contaminated with the company's genetically engineered pharma corn had to be destroyed. One hopes Mr. Vilsack has learned from this experience. He also supported (some say instigated) a bill in 2005 that pre-empted cities and counties from regulating GE crops more strictly than the state or federal government. On biotechnology policy, Vilsack is far from the visionary we had hoped for.

Vilsack has also been a big supporter of ethanol, as is President-elect Obama. On this issue, they're clearly in synch, but their enthusiasm is terribly misplaced. The latest science demonstrates clearly that corn-based ethanol exacerbates rather than mitigates global warming, while so-called "cellulosic" ethanol from crop waste and prairie grass (which might have value, the jury is still out) is years away from commercial use. Even some of ethanol's strongest supporters in Congress, like Senator Tom Harkin, have come to question corn-based ethanol. President-Elect Obama and Mr. Vilsack should make elimination of federal subsidies for corn-to-ethanol -- which now total several billion dollars per year -- a top priority.

However, Vilsack has made some promises that are easy to rally behind. He says he supports biotech firm liability in cases of contamination episodes. He has also said that USDA should require companies to demonstrate no harm to markets for conventional and organic crops before approving new GE crops.

All this would be welcome, but so far, there is little to indicate that Mr. Vilsack would be the watchdog so promised. There is increasing disappointment in the choice, so we must watch his actions to see if he deserves the public's trust. If he fails on any pledge, it's up to consumers, farmers, and lawmakers to hold his feet to the fire. Ultimately, it is the President-elect's food, farm and energy policies that will guide the USDA in the new administration. While not perfect, there is much promise in these policies.

There were high hopes that Obama would choose a Secretary who would bring real change to the beleaguered USDA. Though more progressive candidates were passed over, Tom Vilsack may not prove to be the AgriBusiness-as-Usual choice that his record would suggest. Some who know him say he is a good listener, and we should not rule out the possibility of change. A president elected on a platform of change needs to implement it nowhere more urgently than in food and farm policy. This nation needs nothing short of a New Green Deal to reverse the Bush administration's abysmal food safety record and assault on the environment through its promotion of industrial agriculture. Although we remain hopeful with the choice of Tom Vilsack, we also have to remain very alert.

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Is Steven Chu BFF With BP?

News: How Obama's DOE head got $500 million BP bucks to bankroll Berkeley research—and what it means for our energy future.

December 18, 2008

Steven Chu, President-elect Barack Obama's choice to lead the Department of Energy, seems about as climate friendly as they come. As a Nobel Prize-winning physicist and director of the DOE-funded Lawrence Berkeley National Laboratory, he has dedicated his career to weaning the globe from petroleum. But Chu, who declined to comment for this story, is also more industry friendly than his rhetoric suggests. Last year he sealed a deal between the Berkeley Lab, two public universities, and oil company BP, creating the largest university-industry alliance in US history, the $500 million Energy Biosciences Institute, to conduct biofuels research. The proposal sparked fierce opposition from faculty and students at the University of California-Berkeley, which will host the institute. Biology professor Ignacio Chapela called the partnership the "coup de grace to the very idea of a university that can represent the best interest of the public."

Chu's role in creating the Energy Biosciences Institute may inform his approach to governing the Department of Energy, a major governmental underwriter of research, and one that will face pressure to partner with corporations in pursuing technological solutions to climate change. As the incoming Obama administration prepares to spend liberally to develop cleaner sources of energy, the structure of corporate-government partnerships will determine how the profits of that research return to taxpayers, and how rigorously scientists evaluate the downsides of controversial technologies such as biofuels.

In 2004, when Chu left a teaching job at Stanford to direct the Berkeley Lab, research partnerships between oil companies and California universities were in vogue. In 2002, Stanford had formed the Global Climate and Energy Project with $225 million in funding from General Electric, Toyota, ExxonMobil, and oil-services company Schlumberger. In 2006, UC-Davis established a biofuels research project with $25 million from Chevron. Capitalizing on the momentum, Chu pitched the BP deal as a natural evolution of the new research paradigm. "The motivation is that you have to start working with companies at the get-go," he told a March 2007 meeting of the UC Berkeley Academic Senate. "I think the University of California-Berkeley and the Berkeley Lab are the perfect place for this, so you can…get largely CO2-neutral fuels in a responsible way, in a way that is sustainable."



READ THE REST:
http://www.motherjones.com/news/feature/2008/12/is-steven-chu-bff-with-bp.html

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domingo, diciembre 28, 2008

Problemas, fascinaciones y oportunidades, por Pat Mooney

Hace 30 años la humanidad tenía un problema, la ciencia tenía una fascinación y la industria tenía una oportunidad. Nuestro problema era la injusticia. Las masas de hambrientos crecían y al mismo tiempo la cantidad de campesinos y agricultores menguaba. La ciencia, mientras tanto, estaba fascinada por la biotecnología, la idea de que podríamos manipular genéticamente los cultivos y el ganado (y la gente) para insertarle características que supuestamente superarían todos nuestros problemas.

La industria de los agronegocios vio la oportunidad de extraer las enormes ganancias latentes en toda la cadena alimentaria. Pero el sistema alimentario tremendamente descentralizado les impedía llenarse los bolsillos. Para remediar esta enojosa situación había que centralizarlo.

Todo lo que la industria tuvo que hacer fue convencer a los gobiernos de que la revolución biotecnológica podía poner fin al hambre sin hacer daño al ambiente. Pero, dijeron, la biotecnología era una actividad con demasiado riesgo para pequeñas empresas y demasiado cara para investigadores públicos. Para llevar esta tecnología al mundo, los fitomejoradores públicos tendrían que dejar de competir con los fitomejoradores privados. Los reguladores y controles antimonopolios tendrían que mirar para otro lado cuando las empresas de agroquímicos se apoderaran de las empresas de semillas, que a su vez compraron otras empresas de semillas. Los gobiernos tendrían que proteger las inversiones de las industrias otorgándoles patentes, primero sobre las plantas y luego sobre los genes. Las reglamentaciones de inocuidad para proteger a los consumidores, ganadas arduamente en el transcurso de un siglo, tendrían que rendirse ante los alimentos y medicamentos modificados genéticamente.

La industria obtuvo lo que quiso. De las miles de compañías de semillas e instituciones públicas de mejoramiento de cultivos que existían 30 años atrás, ahora sólo quedan 10 trasnacionales que controlan más de dos tercios de las ventas mundiales de semillas, que están bajo propiedad intelectual. De las docenas de compañías de plaguicidas que existían hace tres décadas, 10 controlan ahora casi 90 por ciento de las ventas de agroquímicos en todo el mundo. De casi mil empresas biotecnológicas emergentes hace 15 años, 10 tienen ahora los tres cuartos de los ingresos de esa industria. Y seis de las empresas líderes en semillas son también seis de las líderes en agroquímicos y biotecnología.

En los pasados 30 años, un puñado de compañías ganaron el control sobre una cuarta parte de la biomasa anual del planeta (cultivos, ganado, pesca, etcétera), que fue integrada a la economía de mercado mundial.

Actualmente, la humanidad tiene un problema, la ciencia tiene una fascinación y la industria tiene una oportunidad. Nuestro problema es el hambre y la injusticia en un mundo de caos climático. La ciencia tiene una fascinación con la convergencia tecnológica a escala nanométrica, que incluye la posibilidad de diseñar nuevas formas de vida desde cero. La oportunidad de la industria radica en las tres cuartas partes de la biomasa del mundo que, aunque se usa, permanece fuera de la economía de mercado global.

Con la ayuda de nuevas tecnologías, la industria cree que cualquier producto químico que hoy es fabricado a partir del carbono de combustibles fósiles puede hacerse a partir del carbono encontrado en las plantas. Además de cultivos, las algas de los océanos, los árboles de la Amazonia y el pasto de las sabanas pueden ofrecer materias primas (supuestamente) renovables para alimentar a la gente, hacer combustibles, fabricar aparatos y curar enfermedades, a la vez que eludir el calentamiento global. Para que la industria haga realidad esta visión, los gobiernos deben aceptar que esta tecnología es demasiado cara. Convencer a los competidores de que corren demasiado riesgo. Hay que desmantelar más reglamentos y aprobar más patentes monopólicas.

Y tal como ocurrió con la biotecnología, las nuevas tecnologías no tienen por qué ser socialmente útiles o técnicamente superiores (es decir, no tienen por qué funcionar) para ser rentables. Todo lo que tienen que hacer es eludir la competencia y las alternativas y coaccionar a los gobiernos para que se abandonen a su control. Una vez que el mercado está monopolizado, poco importa cuáles son los resultados de la tecnología.

Pat Mooney

Premio Nobel Alternativo y director del Grupo ETC

El texto prologa el informe "¿De quién es la naturaleza?: el poder corporativo y la frontera final en la mercantilización de la vida", disponible en www.etcgroup.org

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Los transgénicos en la nueva etapa del capitalismo

Maya Rivera Mazorco, Sergio Arispe Barrientos

La lógica que envuelve a los transgénicos ampara la concentración global de los medios de producción en las manos de intereses estatales y corporativos que a futuro quieren ser los que deciden a quién dar de comer y a quién no, asegurando de este modo una estratégica herramienta de poder basada en el dominio total de los estómagos de los seres humanos. Los transgénicos están directamente asociados a una nueva cara del capitalismo -a la cual hemos denominado neo-neoliberal y la cual será explicada en el transcurso del presente ensayo- que ha optado por acelerar la colonización a partir de la utilización de los valores culturales, distintas formas de apropiación de tierra, territorio y recursos naturales, y el dominio de la alimentación a nivel mundial.
Sabemos que existe la suficiente capacidad social de resistencia política y técnica que seguirá incólume para retomar la agenda social de decir no a los transgénicos en un futuro cercano; en este sentido, pedimos con respeto que el Presidente Juan Evo Morales Ayma vea el modo de replantear el NO a los transgénicos agrícolas dentro del ordenamiento jurídico constitucional para asegurar la supervivencia de las generaciones futuras de las bolivianas y los bolivianos.
Bajo este paraguas, pasaremos a dividir la exposición en cuatro partes: 1) el significado de los transgénicos y sus implicancias, 2) Las patentes y sus consecuencias sobre nuestros sistemas productivos agrícolas, 3) la relación de los transgénicos con la nueva etapa Neo-neoliberal del capitalismo, 4) sobre el hecho de que nadie quiere responsabilizarse por los daños a la salud humana y al medio ambiente que causan los OGM´s (Organismos Genéticamente Modificados).


LEA EL RESTO: http://alainet.org/active/28191


Por Peter Rosset y Ana Rocío Avila

Causas de la crisis global de los precios de los alimentos, y la respuesta campesina

Las organizaciones campesinas no esperan que, de las manos de quienes han creado la enfermedad, ahora sea socializada la cura. Desde hace más de 10 años la alianza global de las organizaciones campesinas -La Vía Campesina- ha estado construyendo una propuesta alternativa para los sistemas alimentarios de los países, la soberanía alimentaria.

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sábado, diciembre 27, 2008

CCR Statement on the Selection of Rev. Rick Warren to Lead the Convocation at the Presidential Inauguration

NEW YORK - December 23 - The Center for Constitutional Rights is outraged at President Obama's choice of the right wing Rev. Rick Warren to lead the convocation at his inauguration. This is "change" we can neither believe in nor support. Many of us have been looking forward to this inauguration as we have no other in the past, with great hope that the new administration will restore our Constitution and its place in a nation of laws. We understand, too, that the new president is working to reach across the aisle and make people of different beliefs welcome at his table.

But the choice of Rev. Warren is a callous slap in the face to all progressives and people of conscience who cherish the equality of women and their right to a safe and legal abortion. Roe v. Wade is still the law of the land. It is a constitutional right. Women fought and died for it. A man who so vocally opposes such a hard won and important a constitutional right has no place at this inauguration.

The choice of Rev. Warren is a slap in the face to all progressives and people of conscience who cherish the equality of men and women in the LGBT community. His vocal support for the shameful California Proposition 8 pushes from the table those who have fought long and hard to be able to love and be loved without the interference of hate mongers. A man like Rick Warren who envisions a society where some classes of people are entitled to fundamental rights while others are not based solely on whom and how they love has no place at this inauguration.

We understand that there will be compromises and decisions we won't agree with in the coming years, and we will be right there challenging them. But to begin it all in this way, is a terrible signal to send to the people who worked day and night to elect President Obama. He should withdraw his invitation. At the very least, he should ask someone else to officiate as well, someone with decency and eloquence who can balance the presence of Rev. Warren. If the president is at a loss for ideas, allow us to suggest two women who could ably fit the bill: Bishop Katherine Jeffords Schori, the presiding head of the Episcopal church who supports the ordination of gay ministers, and Susana Heschel, a feminist theologian and daughter of Abraham Joshua Heschel, the Jewish leader who worked hand in hand with Martin Luther King.

Let's not start off on the wrong foot and hobble progress before we've even begun.

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CARBON SEQUESTRATION: WHAT'S THE POINT?

[Rachel's introduction: In addition to being pure fiction, "clean coal" is a really dumb idea.]

By Peter Montague

[Rachel's introduction: An earlier version of this essay appeared on Discovery News Dec. 1, 2008. This updated version includes new information, plus documentation.]

Whenever we burn fossil fuels (gasoline, natural gas, oil, or coal) we emit carbon dioxide (CO2) as a waste product.

This waste CO2 contributes to two big problems:

(1) The earth is getting warmer, producing more and bigger storms, more floods, and worse droughts, thus disrupting food production and water supplies. This is serious.

(2) The oceans are growing more acid (CO2 plus water = carbonic acid). Many creatures at the base of the oceanic food chain live inside a thin, hard shell -- and carbonic acid attacks their shell, threatening the base of ocean life. This too is serious.

The ideal solution would be to stop making waste CO2 by phasing out fossil fuels and getting our energy from solar power in all its forms (direct sunlight, wind, and hydro dams). We know how to do this today but solar power remains somewhat more expensive then fossil fuels.

Solar has three big advantages --

(1) the sun shines (and the wind blows) everywhere so it provides "energy independence" for everyone;

(2) using solar emits little waste CO2; and

(3) the supply is endlessly renewable, so we won't run out.

The sun doesn't shine at night but the wind blows at night and a "smart grid" with diverse power storage can keep the energy flowing everywhere 24/7. Today, the sun can provide the "base-load" power we need.

What prevents us from adopting renewable solar power is not the cost; it's the political muscle of the fossil fuel companies (oil and coal). Obviously they want us to keep burning fossil fuels because they're heavily invested.

The people who run these companies aren't dumb -- they know CO2 is a big problem, so recently they devised an end-of-pipe solution: they propose to capture the CO2 and pressurize it until it turns into a liquid, then send it by pipeline to a suitable location and pump it a mile or so underground, hoping it will stay there forever. They call this "carbon capture and sequestration," or CCS for short. To make it sound easy and attractive, they call it "clean coal."

What's wrong with this plan? In a nutshell:

1) The plan entails as many as 100,000 separate CO2 disposal sites in the U.S. alone. This would require creation of a hazardous-waste-CO2 disposal industry as big as, or bigger than, the oil industry.[1]

2) Creating and running an enormous CO2 hazardous-waste disposal industry would roughly double the cost of fossil-fueled electricity. But this would make solar energy cost-competitive, so why not invest in renewable solar power now instead of investing in a dead-end CO2- waste disposal industry?

3) It would take decades to build this huge new CCS industry -- but we need solutions to the CO2 problem soon. Solar power plants can be built much faster than this exp....

4) The coal industry calls coal-with-carbon-capture "clean coal." But in reality coal-with-carbon-capture emits 60 times as much CO2, per kiloWatt of electricity, compared to a wind turbine making the same electricity.

4) CCS itself would require lots of energy. For every four power plants, we would have to build a fifth power plant just to capture and store CO2. This would waste even more coal and oil.

5) Every engineer knows that avoiding waste is far better than managing waste. So CCS is fundamentally bad design. [For example, see the widely-endorsed Principles of Green Engineering.]

6) Instead of solving the CO2 problem that we've created, CCS would pass the problem along to our children and their children and their children's children. Basically buried CO2 could never be allowed to leak back out. We should take responsibility for our own problems, not pass them to our children to manage.

7) Scientists paid by the fossil fuel companies say the CO2 will never leak back out of the ground. What what if they're mistaken? Then our children and grandchildren will inherit a hot, acid-ocean, ruined world.

8) Sooner or later we're going to run out of fossil fuels -- all of them -- so eventually we have to adopt solar power. CCS just delays the inevitable -- a huge waste of time and money. We should skip CCS and go solar today.

==============

[1] If you take just the CO2 from coal (2162.4 million metric tonnes [MMT] in 2007) and compare it to the mass of crude oil produced in the U.S. (258.8 MMT in 2007) plus imported crude oil (512.6 MMT in 2007), you find that CO2 is 8.4 times domestic production, and 2.8 times the combined domestic plus imported. That is mass. In terms of volume, the numbers are larger. If we use 500 kg/m3 [kilograms per cubic meter] as the density of supercritical CO2 (one possible operating point), then 2162.4 MMT of CO2 is 27.2 million barrels, or 15 times domestic oil production, and 5 times combined domestic plus imported oil. Thanks to Earl Killian for these calculations.

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African conference on ecological agriculture
Farmer in Rulindo, Rwanda por jon gos.

Conference on
Ecological Agriculture: Mitigating Climate Change, Providing Food Security And Self-Reliance For

Rural Livelihoods In Africa

AU Headquarters, Addis Ababa, 26-28 November 2008

CONCLUSIONS and RECOMMENDATIONS

Introduction

The Conference on Ecological Agriculture: Mitigating Climate Change, Providing Food Security and Self-Reliance for Rural Livelihoods in Africa was held in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia on 26-28 November 2008. It was organised by the African Union (AU), UN Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) and the Ministry of Agriculture and Rural Development of Ethiopia, in collaboration with the Institute for Sustainable Development (ISD), Ethiopia and the Third World Network (TWN).

Over 80 participants from 15 African countries - Benin, Burundi, Djibouti, Ethiopia, Kenya, Madagascar, Malawi, Mali, Nigeria, Rwanda, Sudan, Tanzania, Uganda, Zambia and Zimbabwe - attended the Conference. The participants included policy makers, agriculture experts representing governments, NGOs, farmers’ organisations, and universities, and international and regional bodies such as the AU, FAO, United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD), the UNEP-UNCTAD CBTF, International Food Policy Research Institute (IFPRI), International Assessment on Agricultural Knowledge, Science and Technology for Development (IAASTD) and World Food Programme (WFP).

The Conference was preceded by a field visit to the Axum area in Tigray Region in northern Ethiopia on 23-25 November 2008, to visit some of the communities of smallholder farmers that the Tigray Regional Bureau of Agriculture and Rural Development of Ethiopia and ISD have been working with on ecological agriculture since 1996. This was an appropriate experience to help focus attention on the aspects of the ecosystem that can easily respond to appropriate management, so as to stimulate discussion on experiences relevant for raising agricultural production, mitigating and adapting to climate change, and achieving the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) in Africa.

The following are among the significant views, conclusions and recommendations expressed by participants during the Conference. Detailed recommendations from the Working Groups that discussed some of the issues in-depth are annexed to this report.

General

The Conference heard several presentations and discussed the challenges facing African agriculture, not least among them the global food crisis, climate change and the conflicts with inappropriate biofuels development. Moreover, land degradation and the consequential loss of soil fertility, which are exacerbated by pests and erratic rainfall associate with climate change, are major constraints to improving agricultural production in Africa. Consequently, many local communities in African countries are food insecure. Trade policies also have implications for African food security and rural development, which need to be addressed, to stop the worrying trend of food import dependency and increasing vulnerability to external shocks.

The steep rise in petroleum prices and the consequent increase in the cost of chemical fertilizers and pesticides are making it essential to improve soil fertility and agricultural productivity in Africa through effective management of the local resources that are found in the agricultural and surrounding ecosystems. Many diverse and creative ecological agriculture (including organic agriculture) practices based on rich traditional knowledge and agro-biodiversity are found in Africa. Where supported by appropriate research and policy, it has been shown that these have been effective in tackling poverty and improving livelihoods.

In addition, this opens up the opportunity for Africa’s smallholder farmers to become recognized as organic farmers producing for the growing global market fetching fair prices for their products. The global organic market growth has been about 15 per cent per year over the past decade. Internal markets for organic products are also developing rapidly, particularly where consumers are made aware of the improvements to health from eating organic food.

The Conference heard presentations on the potential of ecological agriculture, including organic agriculture, to meet food security needs in Africa. Concrete examples and lessons learnt were presented from several African countries on practices that have successfully increased productivity and yields of crops, provided ecologically sound pest, weed and disease control, resulted in better water availability, met household and local food security needs, increased household income and improved livelihood opportunities, especially for women who are the majority of Africa’s farmers. Other presentations focused on the potential of ecological agriculture to mitigate climate change, and to provide farmers with the means to adapt to climate change.

Participants discussed the need for appropriate national policies to support and build the capacity of farmers and agricultural professionals to implement and mainstream ecological/organic agriculture in Africa. Some of the major barriers and challenges to a transition to ecological agriculture were identified, and recommendations for charting the way forward in terms of policies, action plans and regional and international cooperation were made.

SRA_12052007_0308 por Simon Rawles.

Main conclusions

1. Ecological agriculture holds significant promise for increasing the productivity of Africa’s smallholder farmers, with consequent positive impacts on food security and food self-reliance. This is demonstrated by efforts such as the Tigray Project, now working with over 20 000 farming families in Ethiopia, where crop yields of major cereals and pulses have almost doubled using ecological agricultural practices such as composting, water and soil conservation activities, agroforestry and crop diversification. Although Tigray was previously known as one of the most degraded Regions of Ethiopia, yet over the 12 years of the introduction and expansion of ecological agriculture, the use of chemical fertilizers has steadily decreased while total grain production has steadily increased.

2. As most poor farmers, particularly in degraded lands and in market-marginalised areas, are not able to afford external inputs, the principles and approach of the Tigray Project, based on ecological agriculture, offer farmers and their families a real and affordable means to break out of poverty and achieve food security, provided that relevant government commitment, support and capacity-building is provided to them.

3. Ecological agriculture also provides many other benefits, including to the environment, such as addressing land degradation and reducing the use of polluting chemical inputs, with consequent beneficial health impacts. Ecological agriculture helps foster agrobiodiversity and other essential environmental services, which improves agroecosystem resilience, helping farmers to better face risks and uncertainties. The productivity and diversity of crops also increases incomes and improves rural livelihoods.

4. Ecological agriculture has high climate change mitigation potential; for example avoiding the use of synthetic fertilizers results in reduced greenhouse gas emissions, particularly nitrous oxide. Ecological agriculture practices such as using leguminous crops, crop residues, cover crops and agroforestry enhance soil fertility and lead to the stabilization of soil organic matter and in many cases to a heightened sequestration of carbon dioxide in the soils.

5. Ecological agriculture assists farmers in adapting to climate change by establishing conditions that increase agroecosystem resilience to stress. Increasing an agroecosystem’s adaptive capacity allows it to better withstand climate variability, including erratic rainfall and temperature variations and other unexpected events. Drawing on strong local community and farmers’ knowledge and agrobiodiversity, ecological agriculture improves soil quality by enhancing soil structure and its organic matter content, which in turn promotes efficient water use and retains soil moisture. Such conditions simultaneously enhance soil conservation and soil fertility, leading to increased crop yields.

6. The development and growing of biofuels should not compete with food and other crops, and thus require comprehensive impact assessments. Locally-controlled bioenergy production that makes use of agricultural waste and biomass, such as through biogas digesters, could provide sustainable energy generation.

7. Food and energy demand and climate change are inducing land use changes and land access issues, which threaten the viability of farming and rural livelihoods. The resilience of agroecosystems can only be built by empowering local communities, particularly women, to rehabilitate, adapt and improve their natural resource base for continued productivity, and by giving them the appropriate legal backing.

8. The implementation and scaling up of ecological agriculture face several constraints, including the lack of policy support at local, national, regional and international levels, resource and capacity constraints, and a lack of awareness and inadequate information, training and research on ecological agriculture at all levels.



READ THE REST AT: http://www.twnside.org.sg/title2/susagri/susagri063.htm

Farmer por Lars-Gunnar Svärd.

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viernes, diciembre 26, 2008



Food Without Fossil Fuels Now

Dr. Mae-Wan Ho

Invited Keynote Lecture, 2nd Mediterranean Conference on Organic Agriculture in Croatia, Organic Agriculture – Contribution to Sustainable Ecosystem, 2-6 April 2008, Dubrovnik University. Dubrovnik, Croatia

READ THE WHOLE ARTICLE AT: http://www.i-sis.org.uk/foodWithoutFossilFuels.php

Excerpt:

2008 the year of global food crisis

2008 has been designated the year of global food crisis by the United Nations [2-4]. The crisis has been building up over the past decades, but things have come to a head. Agricultural production has fallen below consumption for 7 out of the past 8 years, and world grain reserves are at the lowest since records began in the 1970s. To a large extent, this is a long-term trend reflecting the failure of industrial Green Revolution agriculture, and this very failure has been used to promote genetically modified (GM) crops as the new “doubly green” revolution [5] (Beware the New "Doubly Green Revolution", SiS 37).

But within the past year, world food prices suddenly went up by an average of 40 percent. That leaves the World Food Programme to feed 73 million people in 78 countries – not even one-tenth of the world’s hungry – with a shortfall of US$500 million. In addition, 36 countries have declared a food crisis as of December 2007.

There have been food riots and protests in many countries around the world: Mexico, Yemen, Morocco, Mauritania, Senegal, Uzbekistan, Egypt, Burkina Faso, Cameroon, even Italy, and the UK, where pig farmers can’t make a living because feed prices have doubled [6]. India has been hit by an epidemic of farmers’ suicide at an average of 10 000 a year before escalating to 16 000 a year when GM crops were introduced (see Chapter 23 of our Report [1]). But in 2007, a record 25 000 farmers took their own lives [4].

What has precipitated this food crisis? Many commentators blame China and India, countries with rapidly growing economies. People there are becoming well off and eating too much meat, like Europeans and Americans. The record suicides in India speak volumes against the idea that Indians are becoming ‘well off’.

On recent visits to China, we found restaurants and local markets everywhere full of food of all kinds: fresh fruits and vegetables, fish, seafood, meats, sausages, wind-dried meats, honey, grains, pulses, dried mushrooms, lichens, dried jelly fish and other produce of the sea, and a variety of snacks, both cooked and raw, processed or preserved. People’s Daily, the official Chinese government newspaper issued a rebuttal, rejecting as “groundless” the accusation that China has been responsible for the food price hikes [7], saying that “China’s grain yields have steadily grown from 2004 to 2007, and grain reserves have increased accordingly”. During 2007, China exported 9.2 million tonnes of cereals and imported 1.44 tonnes; so export exceeded import by a factor of 4.9. The article conceded that food prices in China have gone up, and the Government has cancelled export rebate in order to discourage exports to stabilize food prices in the country.

Biofuels are to blame for the food crisis

A major contributing factor to the build up of the food crisis is ‘peak oil’ [8] (Oil Running Out, SiS 25). According to a recent analysis, production figures showed that oil has peaked in 2006 [9]. Petroleum prices reached a record $105 a barrel last year, which has certainly driven food and feed prices up because conventional agriculture is heavily dependent on synthetic fertilizers, pesticides, water and machinery, all of which require fossil fuels. But the immediate cause of the present food crisis is something else - an intensified production of biofuels in Europe and the United States - that is having widespread repercussions on the availability of food because biofuels use our food as feedstock.

The United States divested a quarter of its corn harvests to producing ethanol in 2007, and in 2008, this will increase to a third. The US supplies more than 60 percent of the world’s corn exports and 40 percent of all cereal exports [2-4]. Other grains turned into biofuels are soybeans, wheat, and oilseed rape. And forests are being chopped down to grow soybeans and other feedstock such as oil palm, sugarcane, and jatropha, in South America, Asia, and Africa.

All our predictions that biofuels will bring biodevastation and hunger, and accelerate global warming (reviewed in Chapter 5 of our report [1]) have been confirmed. Thankfully, there has been a mind-change at the top. UK’s newly appointed chief scientist, Prof. John Beddington, attacked the biofuels industry in his first major speech [10], blaming it for having delivered a “major shock” to the to world food prices. Cutting down rainforest to produce biofuel crops is “profoundly stupid”, he said, and cannot imagine how we can produce enough crops for biofuels and feed people.

GM crops a dangerous diversion

Unfortunately, the UK government is misadvised and misguided in its support for nuclear energy and GM crops. Biofuels and the food crisis have been a boon especially to Monsanto. More GM seeds have been sold for GM crops to be planted for biofuels in Brazil, Argentina and other South American countries, and Monsanto’s failing fortunes are dramatically turned around. It reported record profits over the past year [11]. BusinessWeek identified Monsanto as a “prime beneficiary” of the biofuels boom. Its stock correlated closely at 0.94 with oil price, better than that of ExxonMobile, which correlated at only 0.84, and hardly correlated with the price of corn, basically because people don’t eat GM corn. “For sure, what’s gotten the whole [agribusiness] industry raging is corn ethanol,” Charlie Rentschler, analyst at the stock research firm Wall Street Access told BusinessWeek.

The pro-GM lobby is using the food crisis to promote GM crops. UK government’s funding agency was even caught supporting a marketing exercise disguised as scientific survey [12] ("UK Farmers Upbeat about GM Crops" Debunked, SiS 38).

GM crops are one big failed experiment [13, 14] (Puncturing the GM Myths, SiS 22; No to GMOs, No to GM Science, SiS 35): no increase in yields, in many cases a decrease, including massive crop failures that escalated Indian farmers’ suicides. GM crops do not reduce use of pesticides; on the contrary there have been huge increases in recent years, according to the latest figures from the US Department of Agriculture [15]. GM crops have proven more harmful for biodiversity than conventional industrial agriculture in UK government-funded Farm Scale Evaluations, despite all attempts at manipulating the trials in favour of GM crops (Bogus Comparison in GM Maize Trial, SiS 22) [16]. Anecdotal evidence since 2005 from farmers around the world indicates that GM crops require more water [17]. GM crops have all the worst features of industrial Green Revolution varieties exaggerated, including susceptibility to diseases and climate extremes on account of genetic uniformity [5], plus there are outstanding safety concerns [18] ((GM Food Nightmare Unfolding in the Regulatory Sham , ISIS scientific publication). Growing GM crops for biofuels does not make them safe, as they will contaminate our food crops all the same. GM crops are a dangerous diversion from the urgent task of addressing the world food crisis, and can end up exacerbating the crisis.

The grim outlook with business as usual

The outlook for food production is grim if we continue business as usual, especially because climate change is hitting us much quicker and harder than expected. Glaciers are melting faster than predicted, weather extremes are increasingly frequent, and these will have big impacts on food production. To top it all, our industrial agriculture and food system is a major driver of global warming.

Scientists of the British Antarctic Survey have just found that the West Antarctic glaciers are thinning alarmingly at 1.6 metre a year, which is more than 20 times faster than in the previous thousands and tens of thousands of years [19]. It is estimated that a rise in sea level of 1 metre would threaten the homes of 1 billion and put one-third of the world’s croplands at risk [20]. The loss of glaciers affects agriculture in another way. The biggest rivers in China and India, the Ganges, Yellow and Yangtze Rivers are fed by rain during the monsoon season, but during the dry season, they depend on meltwater from the glaciers in the Himalayas. The Gangotri Glacier in the Himalayas alone supplies 70 percent of the Ganges’ water in the dry season. The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) reported last year that the Himalayan glaciers could disappear by 2035. When that happens, the rivers will dry up completely [21].

A study published at the end of 2007 based on existing climate models show that apart from anything else, the rise in temperature and changes in rainfall patterns will reduce world agricultural productivity up to 16 percent by 2080 [22]. The most severe reductions will be in the tropics where the poorest live. Temperate regions may have cropping seasons extended because of temperature rise and the overall global reduction may also be mitigated by the ‘carbon fertilization effect’, the 15 percent increase in plant growth rate observed in a carbon dioxide rich atmosphere in green house experiments. That would reduce the deficit in global agricultural productivity to 3 percent. But the author of the report William Cline says don’t count on it, as actual in situ experiments failed to bear this out [23] (More CO2 Could Mean Less Biodiversity and Worse, SiS 20).

Weather extremes such as floods, hurricanes and droughts could reduce crop harvests by 30 percent or more, as US records show [24]. The recent drought in Australia reduced its wheat harvest by 60 percent in 2007 [4].

Finally, the industrial agriculture and globalised food system is responsible for at least 25 percent of global greenhouse gas (ghg) emissions when agriculture-related change in land use (deforestation and conversion of natural grasslands into cropslands), transport/processing/ packaging and storage costs are taken into account (see Chapter 19 of Report [1]). Industrial agriculture is water intensive as well. Aquifers have been pumped dry in the major breadbaskets of the world, and some see water shortage as even more serious than the depletion of fossil fuels.

Food without fossil fuels now

Fortunately, we can do a lot to alleviate the food crisis and mitigate climate change, and it is really surprising that the IPCC has failed to mention the mitigating potentials of organic agriculture and localised food systems.

Our Report [1] is a unique combination of the latest scientific analyses, case studies on farmer-led research, and especially farmers’ own experiences and innovations that often confound academic scientists wedded to outmoded and obsolete theories. There is a refreshing mix of practical know-how and new theoretical concepts to put things in the broadest perspective, including the necessary transformation of the dominant knowledge system, which is blocking progress.

Here are some of the highlights in our Report. The largest single study of its kind in the world with data collected over 7 years in Ethiopia shows that composting together with simple water-conservation techniques gives 30 percent more crop yields than chemical fertilizers (Chapter 11). Coincidentally, scientists also find that organic out yields conventional agriculture by a factor of 1.3, and green manure alone could provide all nitrogen needs (Chapter 9). Local farmers in Sahel defied the dire predictions of scientists and policy-makers by greening the desert and creating a haven of trees (Chapter 25). Cuba has demonstrated it is possible to feed a nation without fossil fuels, and organic urban agriculture plays a large role (Chapter 12). Conservative estimates show that organic agriculture and localised food systems can mitigate nearly 30 percent of the world’s ghg emissions and save 1/6 of the world’s energy use (Chapter 19). Thirty percent of ghg emissions are just about what the current agriculture and food system costs, and 16.5 percent are also close to its energy costs. So practically, we could be eating for free, at the very least.

We can do better than that. If we add anaerobic digestion of food and farm wastes in a zero-emission integrated food and energy producing Dream Farm that could boost the total energy savings to nearly 50 percent and total ghg savings to more than 50 percent. That means agriculture will compensate for the energy and ghg costs of other sectors. In our Dream Farms, we also incorporate other renewable energies at small and microscale levels: solar, wind, hydroelectric. That means we can potentially produce a large excess of energy to feed into the grid for other users. There will be no need for fossil energies whatsoever.

In addition, our Report summarises the evidence accumulated indicating that organic agriculture does indeed gives us cleaner, safer environments, greater natural and agricultural biodiversity (Chapter 18), more nutritious, healthier and health-promoting foods (Chapter 20, 21), and a plethora of social benefits (Chapters 22-24): higher income and independence for farmers, more employment opportunities. Organic agriculture and localised food system regenerates local economies, revitalizes local knowledge, and creates enormous social wealth, that could counteract juvenile delinquency, gang violence and suicides in socially deprived areas.

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